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Dr. Sun Yat-sen 



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Shanghai Mercury 


Dr. Hun's Will 

Chronicle of Dr. Sun's Life ... 
Dr. Sun Yat-sen 

His Revolutionary Activities 

China Proclaimed a Republic 
San Min Chu I 

Nationalism for the People 

Democracy for the People 

Political Power of the People 

Administrative Power of the Government 

Livelihood for the People 

Principle of Livelihood ... 
The Fivefold Constitution * ... 
Programme of National Reconstruction 

^Manifesto of First National Congress 

A Plan for the Development of Chinese Industi 
China's International Development 




Le Dr. Sun Yat-sen 57 

Ses Activites Revolution naires 59 

La Chine Proclamee Republique 60 

Preface aux Principes Fondamentaux de la Recon- 
struction Nationale 63 

Principes Fondamentaux pour la Reconstruction 
Nationale 67 

Dr. Sun Yat-sen, 

Father of the Chinese Republic. 


For forty years I liave devoted myself to the cause of 
the people's revolution with but one aim in view — tlie 
elevation of China to a position of freedom and equality 
among the nations. My experiences during these forty 
years have fully convinced me that to attain this goal we 
must bring about a thorough awakening of our own people 
and ally ourselves in a common struggle with those peoples 
of the world who treat u,s on an equal basis so that they 
may cooperate with us in our struggles. 

The work of the Revolution is not yet over. All my 
comrades must continue to exert their efforts according 
to my "Programme of National Reconstruction," "Outline 
of Reconstruction," the "Three Principles of the People," 
and the "Manifesto" issued by the First National Congress 
vof our Party, and strive on earnestly for the consummation 
of the end we have in view\ Above all, our recent 
declarations in favour of the convocation of a People's 
Convention and the abolition of unequal treaties should 
be carried into effect with the least possible delay. This 
is my heartfelt charge to you. 

(Signed) SUN WEN. 
February -JOth, 19-25. 

Dr. Sun's Latest Picture. 

Taken at Tientsin on December 5, 1924. 


To say that Dr. Sun Yat Sen, Father of the Chinese 
Repubhc and popularly known as the Washington of China, 
led a life of hardship is to put it mildly, for he was always 
exposed to danger during his revolutionary aotivities, Dr. 
Sun has been known the world over as the most effective 
and practical revolutionary leader China has ever produced, 
and his life was devoted to hberating China from the 
sliackles of superstition and economic backwardness and 
hastening China" rise to the position of a modern world 

The great revolutionary leader was born in a small vil- 
lage near Hsiangshan in the Province of Kwangtung on 
November 12, 1866. At an early age he went to Honolulu 
where he attended the Honolulu English Bishop School. 
Upon graduation he attended a high school known as the 
St. Louis School, and then studied for a term at the St. 
Louis College. His return to Hongkong and his enrollment 
at Queen's College marked the beginning of his career as a 
revolutionist, for early in life he became convinced that 
China's weakness was due to the inefficiency and corruption 
of the Manchus and he felt that the only solution was to 
work for their downfall. Upon his return from Honolulu 
he evolved at platform so that he may preach revolution to 
his countrymen, and his slogan at that time was "Divine 
Right Does Not Last Forever," which is in the nature of a 
])rotest as^ainst reverence for the throne. Although he felt 
that his life work lay in the salvation of China, he realized 
that he must choose a profession in order that he may have 
a cloak to cover his activities, and he regarded the medical 
profession as the kindly aunt w^ho could direct him to the 
political arena, for the Chinese looked upon medical men as 
being immune from politics and he could carry on his pro- 
paganda without arousing too much attention from the 

8 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

It was while studying at Po Hsi Medical School that 
he met Cheng Sze-liang, who was destined to play an 
important part in his early revolutionary activities, and the 
two discussed revolutionary topics v\ith considerable zest. 
After staying for a year in the Canton Medical School, he 
discovered that Hongkong Medical College had a wider 
medical programme, and during his stay in Hongkong he 
also received the enthusiastic support of Chen Shao-bo, Yu 
Shao-chi and Yang Ho-lin, and another man at Shanghai, 
Lu Ho-tung. Whenever they came together they did not 
feel happy unless they discussed revolution, and they were 
nicknamed "the four great and inseparable scoundrels." 
Their firm conviction that China can only be saved by 
revolution inspired them to form the Hing Chung Hwei. 


China's defeat at the hands of Japan dining 1894 fully 
convinced him that a revohition was .the only means of saving 
his country from destr action. ThereuiX)n he organised an 
attack against the Yamen at Canton in the ninth moon of 
1895, but this attack proved unsuccessful. Six hundred 
pistols were seized on board a ship by the Manchu 
authorities, and Comrades Lu Ho-tung and Chu Kwei-chen 
were executed, while 70 persons were imprisoned. 

The Manclius ordered the anest of Br. Sun and he fled 
to Hawaii, then to America, and from thence to England. 
While abroad he began preaching to his countrymen about 
the necessity for a revolution. The idea of a nationalism 
had not completely died out among the Chinese, even though 
they were ruled by their Manchu conquerers for more than 
two centuries. After China was conquered by the M*anchus, 
the scholars of the Ming Dynasty handed down their ideas, 
of nationalism to a secret order. This secret order existed 
among the Chinese emigrants abroad, so the revolutionary 
leader was able to get their moral and financial support 
in the great task of overthrowing the Manchus. 

His narrowest escape from death occurred when he was 
.kidnapped during October 11, 1896 while passing the Chinese 
Legation at London. Here he was confined until he 
managed to communicate to his old friend. Sir James 
Cantlie, who secured his release. His life was constantly 
exposed to danger, for a sleuth followed him wherever he 
went and he was compelled to travel in all sorts of disguises. 
Tleturning to Japan in 1899 he leased a house about an 
arm's throw from the Chinese Consulate at Y^okohama at 
a place known as Number -21 Yamashita Cho. There he 
carried on his activities until he organised the second 
revolution shortly after the outbreak of the Boxer Rebellion. 
His schoolmate, Cheng Sze-liang was actively aiding him 

10 De. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

in his revolutionary work at the time. The second revolution 
was successful at the very beginning, but further 
advancement was checked by an unexpected source, for the 
second attempt failed owing to the lack of supplies. 

After this unsuccessful attempt he returned to Japan. 
In 1903 he went to x\nnam at the invitation of the Governor 
of Annam. The revolutionary forces advanced toward Chao 
Chow, under the leadership of General Hwang Hsing but 
were defeated. Another attempt was made to overwhelm the 
Imperial Army at Wei Chow but this also ended! in failure. 
Not to be daunted by these reverses, Dr. Sun went to 
Europe where he carried on revolutionary propaganda among 
the students. Returning in 1906, Dr. Sun managed to 
secure the allegiance of Kuo Jen-chow and Chao Pai-shen, 
two commanders in the Imperial Army. Two comrades 
were sent to Japan for the purpose of buying ammunition 
and isupplies, but owing to a dispute at the Tokyo 
Hea/dquarters, the arms failed to arrive on time, and the 
revolutionary forces were compelled to retreat. 

In 1907, Dr. Sun personally led his comrades in an 
attack upon Jen Nan Kwan and captured three forts, but 
as reinforcements failed to arrive on time. Dr. Sun was 
foroeid to retreat back to x\nnam. General Hwang Hsing 
was then ordered to proceed to the Lien and Tien districts 
and attempt their seizure, but owing to the lack of 
ammunition. General Hwang's forces were forced to 
withdraw after a campaign of several months. In the 
meantime, the Manchu authorities exerted pressure upon 
the French Government to drive Dr. Sun out of Annam, 
so he went to Singapore. In the meantime, Huang Ming- 
tang led a successful campaign in Hokow and captured 
more than 1,000 soldiers of the Imperial Army. As an I'ble 
leader was needed at that time. Dr. Sun telegraphed to 
General Hwang Hsing asking him to proceed immediately 
to the scene. But unfortunately. General Hwang was 
detained by the French authorties, so the eighth attempt 
ended in failure. 

His Revolutionaey Activities U 

In 1909 the great revolationary leader went to America 
to enlist the support of his countrymen there. During his 
sojourn abroad, his comrades at home attempted to storm 
the city of Canton, but they were routed. Dr. Sun was in 
the United States at that time, and upon receipt of the 
news, he hurried, back to China and found his followers 
entirely discouraged by the series of failures ; so he called 
a meeting together at Penang to discuss future revolutionary 
tactics and instil new courage into their hearts. After the 
meeting, he again returned to America for the purpose of 
raising funds. During his absence another attempt was 
made to capture Kwangtung Province and this incident, 
which later became known as the Huang Hua Kang 
Martyrdom, again failed but it gave the Manchu rulers 
many sleepless nights. 

12 Dr. Sun Y at sen, His Life and Achievements 

The eleventh attempt was idestined to change the coiu-se 
of events in China, for Wuhan was captured without any 
difficulty on October 10, 1911, and province after province 
rallied to the support of the revolutionary cause. The 
Manchus were at last driven from the throne and China was 
proclaimed a Eepublic. Hurrying back from America, the 
"Father of the Chinese Republic" was unanimously elected 
First President of China. 

Dr. Sun resigned in favour of Yuan Shih-kai, but it 
later proved to be a mistake, for Yuan Shih-kai secretly 
coveted the throne. Shortly after assuming office, Yuan 
caused the assassination of Sung Chao-jen, the Kuomintang 
candidate for Prime Minister. The next step was to outlaw 
the Kuomintang and dissolve Parliament. \Vhen Yuan 
Shih-kai proclaimed himself Emperor, a fresh uprising took 
place and he was driven from the throne. 

As a result of Yuan Shih-kai s suppression of the 
Kuomintang, Dr. Sun was driven to take refuge in Japan. 
With the assistance of Dr. Wu Ting-fang, however. Dr. 
Sun Yat-sen succeedied in establishing a Government at 
Canton in opposition to the former Peking Government 
during the latter part of the year 1917. Dr. Sun was then 
Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, but in 19*21 
he was elected President of the Constitutional Government 
of Canton by an overwhelming majority. After his 
inauguration, he organised an Expedition against the 
northern militarists, but while his army was entering 
Kwangsi his erstwhile trusted subordinate, Chen Chiung- 
ming, revolted against him during 1922. But in 1923 Dr. 
Sun drove out these hostile forces and re-established the 
Canton Government. 

During the latter part of 1924 hostilities broke out 
between the Fengtien and Chihli parties, so Dr. Sun lost 



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A Portrait in Memory of Dr. Sun 

China Proclaimed a Republic Hi 

no time in mobilising his forces for another Northern 
Expedition. After Tsao Kun was overthrown, the 
Kuominchun leader invited Dr. Sun to proceed north to 
holdi a round-table conference. The "Father of the Chinese 
Eepublic" reached Tientsin on December 4th, and although 
he contracted illness, he arrived at the former Northern 
Capital on New Year's Eve. He was then removed to 
Peking Union Hospital, where he was operated upon but 
after attempts to save his life were of no avail, he passed 
away on March 12, 1925. The parting words at his 
Jeath-bed were "Peace — Struggle — Save China." 

Although he did not live to see the realisation of the 
aims for which he had struggled during the last forty years 
of his life, his spirit and enthusiasm are rtill alive among 
his followers, who are doing their utmost to carry out his 
aims and aspirations. To-day many people who were 
formerly his bitterest opponents are staunch supporters of 
his cause and are endeavouring to carry out his Three 
Principles of Nationalism, Democracy and Livelihood for 
the people. The National Government is conscientiously 
following the wishes of Dr. Sun by establishing the 
Five-Yuan system of government with its five powers of 
the executive, the judiciary, the legislature, the censorate 
and the civil service examinations. During the period from 
Political Tutelage to Constitutionism, the masses will be 
taught the four powers of the people, namely: — suffrage, 
recall, initiative and referendum. 

14 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 


The Three Principles of the Kuomintang as enunciated 
by the late Dr. Sun Yat Sen, are Nationalism, Democracy 
and Livelihood. In other words, the San Min Chu I, or 
the Three Principles, stand for racial democracy, political 
democracy and economic democracy, which coincide with 
the principles of Abraham Lincoln of "a government of 
the people, by the people and for the people." 

J 5 


The Chinese nation is composed of five racial stocks : — 
Hans, Manchus, Mongols, Tartars and Tibetans. 
Compared to the four hundred milUon Chinese, there are 
several million Tibetans, less than a million Mongols, 
about ten million Tartars and the most insignificant number 
of Manchus. Mongolia, Manchuria and Tibet are in 
constant danger of foreign invasion, for the people living 
in those territories do not have sufficient strength for self- 
protection, but a united Republic composed of Chinese, 
Manchus, Mongols, Tartars and Tibetans constitutes a 
powerful combination. A certain racial distinction still 
exists which distorts the real meaning of a Republic, so 
steps must be taken to cement the unity of the individual 
peoples inhabiting China. In the words of Dr. Sun, we 
must "satisfy the demands and requirements of all peoples 
and unite them in a single cultural and political whole, 
to constitute a single nation with such a name, for example, 
as 'Chunghua' — or China, in the widest application of 
the name." 

Political and economic forces have a greater influence 
upon the rise and fall of nations than natural forces, and 
China is now being caught in the current of modern world 
movements. The nineteenth century witnessed the climax 
to the struggle among the Powers for territorial 
aggrandizement, and China was subject to the iron heel 
of foreign aggression. The loss of dependencies was 
followed by the partition of China into "spheres of 
influence" wherein the Powers possessing those regions 
gathered into their hands basic industries, railway 
concessions, mining concessions and other exclusive rights. 
When Germany forcibly occupied Kiaochow during 1898, 
the Powers began to vie with each other for the seizure 
of Dairen, Kwangchowan, Kowloon, Wei-hai-wei and other 

16 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

stragetic points. Dr. Sun was of the opinion that: 
"China is the colony of eveiy nation that has made treaties 
with her, and the treaty-making nations are her masters. 
China is not the colony of one nation , but of all ; she is 
not a semi-colony, but a hypo-colony." 

It is imperative that the four hundred million people 
in China should be aw^akened and the perilous situation 
impressed upon them. China formerly declined 
she did not know that she was declining, so to revive the 
lost spirit of nationalism is a matter of life and death to her. 
The only nation that can save China is China herself, 
and the first step towards securing real independence is 
to abolish the unequal treaties which have contributed in 
no small measure to the economic and political enslavement 
of China. Nationalist China is now determined to get 
rid of the unequal treaties in order that she may deal with 
the Powers on terms of equality and reciprocity. 

It is essential, however, that China should endeavour 
to preserve her ancient morality. The Great Powers have 
always attempted to destroy other nations, and China should 
not copy the imperialism of the rapacious Powers and 
attempt to crush the smaller nations by force, but should 
follow the ancient morality and teachings of the sages 
in her international dealings. When China becomes a 
powerful nation, she shou.ld endeavour to lift up the weak 
and rescue the fallen. 

m #1' 



Considering tiie great advance in science and industry, 
the West has made very slow progress in the field of 
government and there is not much difference between the 
<lemocracy of to-day and the democracy of a century ago. 
Despite all its advantages, Western democracy has not yet 
reached true democracy because the political machinery 
of the West (according to Dr. Sun) is just like a 
single-acting engine, whose piston can move forward but 
not backward. With the power of election the people 
may place the officials in power, but without the right of 
recall the people cannot control the officials after they are 
elected. An all-powerful government is desirable, but an 
all-powerful government which the people cannot control 
is to be feared. 

Dr. Sun did not want to copy the West and adopt 
machinery which will soon be out of date, so he advocated 
bestowing u,pon the people the four rights of suffrage, 
recall, initiative and referendum. The powers of the 
government and the powders of the people are to be clearly 
divided. For many years Dr. Sun has proposed the 
adoption of the Fivefold Constitution, and the National 
Oovernment is conscientiously carrying out his wishes by 
•establishing the five "yuans" for administering the affairs 
of the country, the order being as follows: (a) Executive 
Yuan, (b) Legislative Yuan, (c) Judicial Yuan, (d) 
Examination Yuan, and (e) Control Y^uan. 

The late Dr. Sun compared a government to a piece 
of machinery. When engines were first constructed in the 
AYest the piston was single-acting and incapable of 
reversing, and it was only later on that the piston w^as 
made double-acting by means of a reverse gear. Dr. Sun 
pointed out that when the people have only the right of 
voting, it may be compared to a single-acting piston ; but 

18 De. Sun Yat-sen, His Life ajsD Achievements 

when the right of recall is added, it is analogous to a 
double-acting machine because the officials may be recalled 
after they are elected if they do not prove worthy of their 
charge. When the four powers of the people and the five 
powers of the government are put into operation, there 
will be no fear of an all-powerful uncontrollable government , 
for the people will be in the position of an engineer who 
can control the machinery of the government at will. 

The following is a diagram of the system proposed 
by the late Dr. Sun Yat-sen : — 


Suffrage- Recall -Initiative Referendum 


Legislature — Judiciary — Executive — Civil Service — 

Censorship (Examinations) 

When the three W^estern powers of the executive, 
legislature and ju,diciary are combined with the Chinese 
powers of censorship and examination, and when the four 
powers of suffrage, recall, initiative and referendum are 
enjoyed by the people, then the Chinese Republic may 
really be called a government of the people, by the people, 
and for the people. 



The Min Sheng Chu I or the Principle of the People's 
Livehhood as enunciated by the late Dr. Sun Yat-sen is 
a scientific attempt to enable the people of China to elevate 
their standards of living so that they may be better fed 
and better clothed. 

The policy of the Kuomintang is to limit the power of 
capitalism and prevent the monopoly of land and capital, 
by a few individuals ; and Dr. Sun proposed that enterprises 
which are monopolistic in character, such as banks and. 
railways, should be regulated by the State. Government, 
control is nothing new in the West because Germany,. 
Great Britain, the United States, Canada and Qther^ 
Countries have experienced state control of Communications 
and other large enterprises. The principle of nationalization, 
was interpreted by the First Ku,omintang National Congress 
as follows: "By equalization of the right to hold land is 
meant the abolition of monopoly of land by a few, and by 
regujation of capital is the taking over by the state of- 
such monopolies as the banking and shipping industries. ' ' 

The greater part of the misfortunes of Europe and 
America arise from a disproportionate distribution of wealth 
and products of industry. But the capitalists in China are 
poor in comparison with the foreign capitalists, so everyone 
is comparatively poor and extreme poverty exists among 
the masses. The absence of large capitalists does not 
mean that a method for equalizing the distribution of wealth 
should not be found, but in direct contrast to the forcible 
revolutionary methods of Soviet Eussia, Dr. Sun proposes 
to solve the problem by evolutionary methods. These 
methods are : — social and economic reform, nationalization 
of transportation and communications, direct taxation on 
incomes, and socialized distribution through co-operative- 

20 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

As the greater part of China's population is 
agricultural, the land question is very important. In 
England the feudal system of land-holding has survived 
up till the present day, and in the United States all the 
land is private property, but in China the distribution of 
land partially conforms to the principle of 
proportionalization. Dr. Sun, however, has evolved a plan 
which wdll provide against future evils, and he called 
attention to the fact that : "In China up till this day the 
so-called three-grade system of collection of land taxes 
has been preserved, but, owing to the slow development 
of transport and industry, land valu,es were not so higli 
in the past as they were to-day. Well-developed means 
of communication and industry have led, owing to the 
maintenance of the old system, to an extremely unequal 

rise in the value of the land we must 

collect one per cent of the value of the land. For example, 
if a given piece of land is worth $2,000, its owmer pays 
$20." The fear that the landowner will attempt to cheat 
the government was dispelled by Dr. Sun, w^ho declared 
that "if the landow^ner makes a low assessment he will 
be afraid that the government will buy back his land at 
that value and make him lose his property ; if he makes 
too high an assessment he will be afraid of losing money 
through the government taxing him according to this value. 
-Comparing these two serious possibilities, he will not want 
to report the value of his land too high or too low, and 
will report the true value to the government." 

Another important problem is the question of food 
supply and distribution, for in China there is not enough 
food for the masses. This deplorable condition is due to 
the lack of scientific agricultural methods and to foreign 
economic imperialism. The seven methods of increasing 
food production may be summarized as follows: (a) 
utilization of agricultural machinery, (b) the use of 
fertilizers, (c) rotation of crops, (d) eradication of pests, 
(e) manufacture of food products, (f) improvement of 
transportation facilities, and (g) prevention of natural 
disasters throu.di river conservancv and reforestation. 



The people must be well-clothed as well as being 
well-fed. At a time when the West was still in a primitive 
stage, China had exported large quantities of silk abroad. 
But to-day Chinese silk is gradually being driven from 
the world market and it is imperative that she must improve 
the silkworm eggs and mulbeny leaves and utilize the 
latest scientific methods of manufacturing. As the majority 
of the people wear clothing made of cotton it is necessary 
to make a scientific study of the cultivation of hemp and 
the production of fine linen thread by machinery. 

In order to fully carry out the Principle of Livelihood 
it is necessary to eliminate foreign economic oppression 
by abolishing the unequal treaties which have prevented 
her from making that advancement which is desired by all 
well-wishei-s of China. Railways, canals, motor roads and 
other means of communication must be developed to allow 
people and merchandise to travel quickly and freely 
throughout the country. The vast spaces of Mongolia, 
Tibet and Sinkiang must be irrigated and immigration 
encouraged into those regions. The tremendous wealth 
lying underground in the form of minerals should be tapped 
to supply the needs of the nation. Every encouragement 
should be given to allow factories and manufacturing 
plants of all descriptions to spring up so that commercially 
and industrially China may rank with any other Power. 
When all the projects as planned by the late Dr. Sun in 
his "Outline of Reconstruction" and the "Programme of 
Nationa] Reconstruction" are carried out, the people of 
China will be better fed, better clothed, and will be able 
to enjoy many of the things which are now regarded as 

22 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 


(A Speech by Dr. Sun Yat sen). 


The subject of this speech will be the "Fivefold 
Gonstitution," which is the fruit exclusively of my own 
initiative and hitherto has been unknown. You know that 
the w^iole world strives for the establishment of a 
constitutional system. But what is constitu,tion ? A 
constitutional order is a system in which all political 
authority is divided into several component parts, 
independent of one another in their work. The constitutions 
of other countries are divided only into three component 
parts, but not into five. The constitution of five component 
parts is the fruit of my labours alone. From the moment 
of its appearance, very few have understood its purpose. I 
shall try to explain it. 

Ten years ago I spoke on this subject, and apparently 
my audience was very inattentive. In all other countries 
there exists the so-called threefold constitution, and 
therefore it w^as very strange for them to hear of a new 
form, and they decided that it was purely the result of 
my fantasy. But I based the idea of my work on a very 
solid foundation. I studied the history of revolutions for 
over thirty years. After an unsuccessful revolt in 
Kwantung, I went abroad, and seriously began the study 
of the problem of government with a view to create the 
foundation for the future system of government of China. 

After the successful conclusion of the revolt of the 
United States of America, the colonists who had secured 
complete independence of Great Britain laid at the 
foundation of their system of government a threefold 
constitution, the clauses and articles of which are 
distinguished by their exactness and clearness. This 

** The Fivefold Constitution " 23 

constitution is called in the political world a "written 
Constitution." Many countries followed the example of the 
U.S.A., and laid this constitution at the foundation of the 
law of their country. I studied the American constitution, 
which from the moment of its appearance was recognised 
as a model, not only by the American people itself, bu.t also 
by the British statesmen, who saw in it something superior 
to all other forms of constitution in other countries. 1 was 
veiy careful and painstaking about the study of this 
constitution, in order to secure a reply to the question : was 
it perfect or not ? The result of my work was the conviction 
that it suffers from many defects. Moreover, the opinion 
of some European arid American scholars about the 
American Constitution coincides with mine 7n many 
respects. To-day very many feel the imperfectness of the 
American Constitution. This is because all that was good 
and correct a hundred or two hundred years ago is by no' 
means suitable to-day. From this angle, and also thanks 
to my intensive study of the question, I decided that these 
imperfections must be eliminated. The American students 
of political science are of the same opinion. Undoubtedly, 
the perfection of a constitution is not an easy matter. How 
is it to be done ? We have at our disposal neither materials 
nor the necessary books. 

I remember that a certain American professor wrote a 
book, entitled. Liberty, in which he develops the idea that 
the threefold constitution does not corres]X)nd to the spiri<^ 
of the times, and therefore he advises the introduction of 
a fourth component part, the "power of punishment" of 
members of Parliament, which, must be absolutely 
independent in its actions. He thinks that if Parliament 
possesses this power, cu,nning members of Parliament will 
abuse it and will always place the Government in a veiy 
difficult position. But his opinion also is not quite correct. 
In America there are a fair number of people who feel the 
imperfection of their Constitution, and seek a method of 
improving it. But the method indicated is also imperfect. 
Why ? Because in the United States all public servants are 

24 De. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

elected by the people, but, in view of the existence of 
many difficulties in popular elections, and other grave 
defects, the method of limiting elections of officials is 
applied : the vote belongs only to people possessing certain 
privileges. Such a privilege is the possession of ^ certain 
amount of property, which gives its owner the right to vote. 
Undoubtedly such a form of restriction in elections at the 
present day is in contradiction to the spirit of equality, 
and gives rise to the vast growth of corruption. Moreover, 
in such a system we do not know^ who should be elected. 
Undoubtedly, those who are elected should possess certain 
qualities, but the right to vote should be extended to all 
citizens of the Republic. Such a system is called "Universal 

It is not such a simple thing as to say that, once you 
have property, you can vote and be elected. I think that 
every worker in the public service, and every worker of the 
legislative institutions, ought to have certain knowledge and 
aptness for his work. Bu,t if he has neither knowledge nor 
aptitude, but only property, this is in contradiction to the 
requirements of the age. We must select those wiiom w*^ 
need. Previously, there existed in China the method of 
examination for the Civil Service. But the old Chinese 
method was useless during the time of the dynasty, because 
the Emperor in those days w^as only concerned with finding 
the people he required to rule the country. However,jbh].< 
method is extremely useful and necessary for the Republic, 
as the whole people is unable to assemble to manage tht- 
affairs of the country. The examination section, therefore, 
is the fifth component part of which I have spoken.^" 

The "United Leagu.e," while it was still in Tokyo 
accepted the scheme of the "Three Principles" and th.'> 
"Fivefold Constitution" as its programme. We decided at 
that time that, after the successful completion of the 
revolutionary insurrection, the constitution must he apphect 
in practice. We did not imagine that, after the overthrov 
of the Manchu dynasty, anyone would take adviUitage of 
the difficult circumstances. Everyone thought that the very 

"The Fivefold Consiitution " 25 

fact of the overthrow of the Manchu dynasty would be 
a proof that all would be organised as the people desired. 
The resujt is the existence of the so-called "Republican 
system" in China, which has not only not applied *-he prin- 
ciples for which the best sons of China struggled, but on the 
whole has even made matters worse. The reason for this, 
must be clear to you, even without my explanations. 
We must immediately bend all our efforts to applying the 
"Fivefold Constitution" which will lay the foundation for 
a strong and healthy form of government. We must have 
a good Constitution and then we shall be able to build up a 
real Republic. 

We^strive to make China a powerful and glorious coun- 
try, but how can we bring this about? I think that the 
path must not be very difficult. This path is the applica- 
tron_qfthe_" Fivefold Constitution." Let iis "consider, at 
any rate, why w^e require this Constitution. If we desire to 
understand this, we must first make a review of political 
history for the space of several thousand years past. In 
political historv" there exist two tendencies; one, "Liberty," 
the other, "Order." TiTpotiticat'htstoiTTjust as in physics, 
there are two forces, centrifugal and centripetal. The 
tendency of the centrifugal force is extension without, the 
tendency of the centripetal is collection around the centre. 
If the centrifugal force is stronger than any object, the 
latter will break up into dust ; bu.t if the centripetal force 
is the stronger, the object will only become slightly smaller 
and more compressed It is necesr>g:ry that these two forces 
should be equal. The ^same applies to "Liberty" and 
'"Urder." If jhe boundaries of ''Liberty" are widely ex- 
tended, there is a possibility ..that anarchy will arise; but if 
"order" takes first place,, there will be .the sway of 
absolutism. Political change for the last_few tiiousand 
yeaxs^_a£ejhe resliIfot'^tIie'coTrfltct"of these two forces. 

The history of China begain 'with the dynasties of Tan 
and Yu : this period is called the "Golden Age." The 
history of China is the history of the movement from liberty 
to absolutism, while the history of Europe is the'histoiy of 

26 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

the movement from absolutism to liberty. Our people 
enjoyed liberty too long, and began to grow tired of it, and 
finally destroyed it. Then selfish emperors and kings took 
advantage of the opportunity to assume the toga of 
absolutism : the au,tocracy of the Tsing and Tang dynasties 
began. The political history of other countries goes from 
absolutism to liberty : in earlier times people suffered great 
misery, and therefore in those countries the saying arose: 
"Either liberty or death." Thus we can see the terrible 
meaning of absolutism at that time. 

T'he history of Chinese political life goes from liberty 
to absolutism, the Chinese people in ancient times in- 
dependently cultivated their fruit and dug well for their 
water, and were completely free. This is what the 
philosopher, Lao-tze said: "A country must be governed 
without interference." This is the popular conception of 
liberty, but did not know^ its value. This tradition has been 
maintained u,d to the present day. The apathy of the 
Chinese to liberty is a source of constant wonder to the 
Europeans. The character of European history is quite the 
reverse. From the moment of the fall of the Eoman 
Empire, Europe was divided into a number of countries, 
the nations of which were in the position of slaves. During 
the last few centuries wars for liberty ^imve gone on. 

Whenever I have spoken above revolution, I have never 
confused this with the idea of winning liberty : the Chinese 
people think only of a complete political change, but do not 
connect this at all with the idea of liberty. The Chinese 
Emperors only demanded that the people should pay taxes 
and keep the peace. Hence it is clear why Europe criticises 
the Chinese people for a complete failure to understand the 
term "liberty." The Europeans do not enjoy complete 
liberty, and therefore fight to win it. Bu,t the Chinese have 
enjoyed unlimited liberty, and tJierefore do not know the 
meaning of the word. 

These two tendencies of political history, absolutism, 
and liberty, are the distinguishing features separating China 
from Europe. But in political history there are also two 

"The Fivefold Constitution" 27 

classes of people : those who govern and those who are 
governed. Here is what one philosopher said on this 
subject: "There are men occupied with gymnastics of the 
mind, there are men occupied with gymnastics of the body. 
The first will rule, the second will be ruled." Those who 
will rule must have knowledge, while those wdio will be 
ruled must not have knowledge. In Europe, the monarchi- 
cal system and its Emperor were overthrow^n only during 
recent centu,ries, and the people enjoy comparative liberty. 
My "Fivefold Constitution" strives to destroy this dis- 
tinction, tTierel)y serving as the true and real path to the 
realisation of the principles of democi^acy! 

Now let us speak of the place of origin of constitutions. 
A constitution was first created in England. From the time 
of the Great English Revolution, the power of the monarch 
gradually declined, and finally became a pure political 
tradition, like the "division of the three powers." But in 
reality the English do not know that these "three powers" 
were divided : they possess a natural feeling of love for 
liberty, and act as seems best to them. 

Three hundred years ago there was a famous French 
scholar, Montesquieu, who published a book called The 
Spirit of Laws, which set ou.t the theory of the division of 
the three powers, aWci pointed out that the legislative, 
executive and judicial powers should be completely inde- 
pendent of one of the other. But thanks to the great develop- 
ment of her political parties, England changed her forms 
of government only gradually, and now her government is 
not one of free, independent and separate powers, but a 
single authority. The modern political system in England 
is that of the complete dictatorship of Parliament, the com- 
plete authority of a single party which governs the country. 
The system of government of the United States of America, 
on the other hand, is based on the theory of the division of 
three powers formulated by Montesquieu, and is expressed 
in the exact forms of a written constitution. Yet Montes- 
quieu himself based his theory of the division of three 
powers on the political traditions of England. Later, the 


Dr. Sun Y at- sen, His Life and Achievements 

reforms in Japan and the revolutions in other Countries took 
as the basis of their constitution the Constitution of the 
United States. The EngHsh Constitution is not formujated 
in documents, whereas the American constitution is ex- 
pressed in a formal way in documents. Therefore, the 
English Constitution is still called ''elastic," while the 
American is "strict" and "exact." 

England is governed by individual persons, while the 
U.S.A. are governed by laws, although England is the coun- 
try where there first appeared a constitution, though not 
drawn up in exact words. Our old Chinese system of 
government is a system of three powers, just like the 
En dish. 

The Old Chinese System of 

The Constitutions of other 

Power of 

Power of Power of 
the Exaraina- 
Emperor. tion. 

Judicial Administra- 
Power. tive Power. 

tive Power. 

Power of 

Power of 


Administra- Legisla- 
tive, tive. 


According to the above diagram, the Chinese system 
of government includes the power of examination, the 
power of punishment and the power of the Emperor, which 
includes legislative, judicial and administrative departments. 
The sjstem of examinations is very valuable. It used to 
be distinguished for its accuracy, absence of bribes and 
freedom from personal influence : but later this strictness 
gradually began to be relaxed. As for the power of punish- 
ment, there were special officials in controT~oT it . In the 
ev€Tit' of the Empei*or's actions Feing wrong, he too was 
subjected to punishment by this power, which insisted on 
punishment, even though this may be death. Thus this 
system deserves approval. 

There is an American professor. Burgess, who has 
written a book entitled Liberty and Government, in which 
he says that the power of punishment in China is the best 

"The Fivefold Constitution" 29 

example of a compromise between liberty and government. 
The Chinese people have spoken little of liberty : the ex- 
treme of liberty is anarchism. The reason for the constant 
discussion of anarchism in Europe is its comparative new- 
ness there. The first known anarchist was the French 
thinker and philosopher, Proudhon, and then the Kussian, 
Bakunin : the representative of anarchism at the present 
day was the Russian philosopher, Kropotkin, who died 
recently. Many have engaged in concentrated study of this 
tendency in poUtical thought, simply because it was still 
quite new. It is laughable when people speak of Chinese 
students who study this theory and advocate it, trying not 
to fall behind the fashion, without speaking of whether 
they understand it or not. In essence, the theory of 
anarchism was known in China several thousand years ago, 
when many w^ere greatly interested in it. Is not the theory 
of Hung and Lao anarchism ? I repeat that people have 
talked of anarchism in China for several thousands of years : 
and it is only because the Chinese youth do not understand 
this that they fail to realise that such propaganda is quite 
unnecessary at the present time. 

I have already said that both political tendencies, liberty 
and absolutism, must come to a compromise in order that 
neither should go to an extreme, like the centrifugal and 
centripetal forces. To speak only of the centrifugal or the 
centripetal force is undoubtedly wrong. We must speak 
of both. Any opinion of one side alone will never be 
successful. The equality of both forces and the combina- 
tion of both tendencies constitute the promise of a great 
future for mankind. The w^ork of the Constitution is like 
the work of a machine. Law is the mechanism of human 
affairs. The Constitution is a great macliina— the anacBihe 
of compromise between liberty and government. 

At the beginning of our Revolution I put forward the 
idea of the "three principles" i.e. nationalism, democracy 
and socialism. These are the same words as were uttered 
by the President of the United States, Lincoln : "Govern- 
ment of the people, by the people, and for the people." 


Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

Men must govern themselves, and then they v^ill be com- 
pletely satisfied. If they cannot govern themselves, they 
cannot be satisfied. If we desire to overthrow the system 
of government of those who have developed their minds 
over those who nave been developed only physically, we 
must bear in mind that the human will can deal even with 
the heavens. 

Let us go on the question of democracy, which for the 
people is a machine wherewith to fly, run, swim, and do all 
else that it pleases. But what kind of machine is it? This 
machine is a constitution. 

The Constitution of Five Grades (or Authorities). 


Judicial. Executive. 


Punishment, i Examining. 

This five-grade or Fivefold Constitution is our auto- 
mobile, our submarine and our aeroplane. It is divided into 
the following authorities: legislative, judicial, administrative 
or executive, punishment ancTexamining for^ivil servants — 
aTTcompletely independent of one another. It deprives the 
Emperor of his power and takes legislative, judicial and 
administrative authority away from him, making them quite 
independent. At the head of the administration stands the 
President ; at the head of the legislative machine is 
Parliament; at the head of the judiciary is a judge. 

Every worker,, in ..St ate emplo yment must first of all 
pass certain examinations. I remember that, when I arrived 
in Canton, many~people asked me to give them posts in the 
Civil Service. The Government needed competent and 
experienced workers. But I knew none. Perhaps there 
were experienced old workers amongst these persons, but 
without a certain test of their knowledge I could do 
Tn such a case this authority is very Uvseful. Many skilled 
people have been unknown to a large section of society be- 
cause they were never subjected to examination. And some- 
times it happess._that ignorant and al most illiter ate ^people 

"The Fivefold Constitution" 


achieve high |)£)!^ts, and thereby only awaken and develop 
sullen hostility in the hearts of the people. Thus we see 
that the examining power is a very essential and important 
link in the State machinery. Withou,t this link it is as 
though we were without a conductor. Only with this 
system can we have experienced civil sei*vants. 

This system was adopted in practice by England a 
fairly long time ago, and by America about twenty or thirty 
years ago. All this was borrowed from China. The Chinese 
system of examination is the best in the world, and all 
countries now use it. 

Above I mentioned that the legislative authority is 
headed by Parliament, the executive by the President, the 
judicial by a judge ; the examining and punishing authorities 
are also controlled by appropriate persons. When I w^as at 
Nanking, I requested the Senate to adopt the Fivefold Con- 
stitution. But they did not understand it, as it cut com- 
pletely across their personal points of view. The Fivefold 
Constitu,tion, the fruit of my own labours, is a vast machine. 
If you wish to travel hundreds of miles in a day, you take 
an automobile or an aeroplane ; if you wash to manage a 
country, you must use a machine which you can control. 

Q'he State Machine. 






Every district has one 






Authority . 

Minister of 

Minister of 
Fii ance. 

Minister of 
aid Mines. 

Minister of 

Minister of | Minister of Minister of 
Interior. i Foreign Affairs. Education. 

PROVINCIAL Minister cf Minister of 

AUTHORITY. Labour and Communica- 

I Commerce. tions. 

District authority. Direct right of citizens. 


Right of Recall. 


Direct electoral rights. 

This is the machinery for governing the country. 
Beside the Fivefold Constitution, a very important part is 
the direct right of citizens in local government. Direct 

32 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

right is the true "rights of man." It has four forms: 
electoral, the right of recall, the initative and the re- 
ferendum. If the Fivefold Constitution can be compared 
to a vast machine, the direct right of citizens is the key to 
the machine. If citizens have the right of election, they 
should also have the right of dismissing the officials whom 
they elect. If citizens know of the existence of u,seful laws, 
which for some reason cannot pass the legislature, they 
should be able as a community to adopt them. Such a right 
is called the riorht of referendum. 



1. The National Government's programme for the recon- 
struction of China is hased on the revolutionary prin- 
ciples known as the **San Min Chu T' and the **Five= 
power Constitution.'' 

2. The first and foremost element of reconstruction is 
livelihood. In order to meet the pressing needs of the 
people for food, clothing, shelter, and roads, the 
government should co-operate v^ith ' the people to 
improve agriculture in order to provide them with 
sufficient food, to develope the cotton industry in order 
that they may have abundant material for clothing, to 
build houses on a large scale in order that they may 
procure comfortable shelter, and to construct new roads 
and canals and repair the existing systems so as to 
facilitate traffic. 

3. The next element of reconstruction is democracy. To 
enable the people to be competent in their knowledge 
of politics, the government should undertake to train 
and guide them so that they may know how to exercise 
their rights of election, recall, initiative, and re- 

4. The third element of reconstruction is nationalism. 
The government should undertake to render assistance 
and, protection to the racial minorities in the country 
(Manchus, Mongols, Tibetans, etc.) so that they may 
be able to exercise their right of self-determination and 
self-government, while resisting oppression a-nd in- 
vasion from foreign countries. The government should, 
at the same time, revise the treaties with foreign 
countries in order to secure national independence and 
international equ,ality. 

34 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

5. The order of reconstruction is divided into three 
periods, viz : 

(a) Period of Mihtary Operation ; 

(b) Period of Pohtical Tutelage; 

(c) Period of Constitutional Government 

6. During the period of military occupation the entire 
country should be subject to military rule. To hasten 
the unification of the country, the Government should 
employ military force to conquer all opposition in the 
country and propagate the principles of the Party so 
that the people may be enlightened. 

7. The period of political tutelage in a province should 
begin and military rule shou.ld cease as soon as order 
within the province is completely restored. 

8. During the period of political tutelage the government 
should despatch trained officers who have passed the 
examinations to the different districts to assist the 
people in making preparations for local self-govern- 
ment. The attainment of local self-government depends 
on the completion of the census, the survey of the 
district, the organisation of an efficient police force, 
and the construction of roads throughout the district. 
Moreover, the people of the district must be able to 
fulfil their duties as citizens by exercising the four 
rights mentioned above, and must pledge themselves 
to carry out the principles of the revolution, before 
they are entitled to elect the officer of a "hsien" for 
the administration of its affairs and representatives of 
the "hsien" for the formulation of its laws. By that 
time, the "hsien" will then be considered as fully self- 

9. The citizens of a fully self-governing "hsien" have the 
right of direct voting for the election of officers, the 
right of direct recall, the right of direct initiative, and 
the right of direct referendum. 

10. At the beginning of self-government it is imperative 
that a declaration be made of the value of private- 
owned land of the district, the procedure being to 
require the owners to make their own declaration at 

Programme of National Eeconstruction 35 

the local administration so that the tax will be imposed 
according to the declared value, but the local govern- 
ment is entitled at any time to purchase the property 
at the declared value. Any increase in value ' as a 
result of improvement in the administration and pro- 
gress of the community shall be set aside for the 
benefit of the whole community, and the original 
owners are not allowed to reserve it for themselves. 

11. The annual revenue from land, the increase in land 
value, the production from pu.blic land, the income 
from forestry, rivers, mines, and waterfalls shall be 
reserved for the local government and shall be devoted 
to the development, of industries, the taking care of 
the young, aged and poor, the relief of public 
calamities, the care of the sick, and other public 

12. If a district does not possess sufficient capital to develop 
its natural resources or industries and commerce on a 
large scale and must seek the aid of outside capital, 
the Central Government should give the necessary 
financial assistance and the profits accruing therefrom 
shall be equally divided between the Central and the 
Locial governments. 

13. The contribution of the districts toward the expenditure 
of the Central Government shall be a certain per- 
centage on their revenu,e. The percentage shall be 
fixed annually by the People's Representatives, and 
shall not exceed 50 per cent., nor be less than 10 per 
cent, of the total receipts. 

14. After self government has been established, the people 
in each district shall be entitled to elect a representa- 
tive for the formation of an assembly to participate in 
the political affairs of the nation. 

15. All officials, to be elected or appointed locally or by 
the Central Government shall be required to pass an 
examination to be held by the Central Government 
before they are qualified for their positions. 

16. As soon as all the districts within a province are fully 
self-governing, constitutional government in that pro- 

36 De. SUxV Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

; vince shall begin and the assembly of the People's 
, , Representatives may elect a provincial chief officer to 
supervise the administration of the self-government of 
the province. As regards the national affairs of the 
province, the provincial chief officer shall be subject to 
the guidance of the Central Government. 
17. During the period of constitutional government, the 
powers of the Central Government and those of the 
provinces shall be evenly distributed. Affairs of a 
national character shall be reserved for the Central 
Government and those of a local character shall be 
reserved for the districts. The system is neither a 
centralization nor a decentralization. 

18/ The "hsien" is the unit of self-government. The 
province links up and provides means of co-operation 
between the Central Government and the Local 
Governments of the districts. 

19. At the beginning of constitutional government, the 
Central Go /eminent should complete tiie establishment 
of five "yuans" for the exercise of the five-powers, the 
order being as follows : (1) Executive Yuan, (2) 
Legislative Y'uan, (3) Judicial Yuan, (4) Examination 
Yuan and (5) Control Y^uan. 

20. The Executive Yuan shall at the outset consist of the 
following ministries : (1) Ministry of the Interior, 
(2) Ministry of Foreign i\ffairs, (3) Ministry of 
Military Affairs, (4) Ministry of Finance, (5) Ministry 
of Agriculture and Mines, (6) Ministry of Industry, 
Commerce and Labour, (7) Ministry of Education, 
and (8) Ministry of Communications. 

21. Before the promulgation of the constitution, the pre- 
sidents of all the "yu,ans" shall be appointed or dis- 
missed by the President, who shall supervise them. 

22. The draft constitution shall be based on the Programme 
of National Reconstruction as well as the experiences 
gained during the periods of Political Tutelage and 
Constitutional Government, and shall be drawn up by 
the Legislative Yuan through wdiich it shall be made 

Programme of National Reconstruction 87 

known to the people in order that when the time 
arrives it will be deliberated and adopted. 
23. When more than half of the provinces in the country 
have reached the Constitutional Government stage, i.e. 
more than half of the provinces have local self govern- 
ments fully established in all the districts there shall 
be a National Congress to decide on the adoption and 
promulgation of the Constitution. 

"24. As soon as the constitution is promulgated, the ad- 
ministration of the Central Government shall be vested 
in the National Congress. In other words, the National 
Congress has the power to elect and recall officials of 
the Central Government and to initiate laws and veto 
laws promujgated by the Central Government. 

25. On the day of the promulgation of the Constitution, 
con^ititutional government shall be considered as 
having been fully established and the people 
throughout the country shall hold a national election 
according to the constitution. Three months after the 
election, the National Government shall resign and 
hand over its functions to a government elected by the 
people, and the programme of national reconstruction 
w^ill thus be accomplished. 

(Signed) SUN WEN. 
12th day of 4th month of 13th year of the Republic. 

38 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achi cvements 




The Present Condition of China. 

The Chinese Revolution had its inception after the 
Sino- Japanese War was brought to a head in 1900, and 
achieved its success in 1911, by which the Monarchical 
Government was eventually over-thrown. But a revolution 
cannot arise all of a sudden. Since the occupation of China 
by the Manchus there reigned in the hearts of the Chinese 
race the feeling of injustice for a long time. After the 
country was thrown open to international commerce, foreign 
imperialism came like an angry tide. Armed plundering 
and economic pressure reduced the country to a semi-colonial 
status, and caused her to lose her independence. The 
Manchu Government not only possessed no ability to repulse 
foreign invasion, but also persisted in an increasing degree 
in the policy of subjugating the "slaves" at home, thereby 
courting favour with the foreign Powers. Under the leader- 
ship of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the founder of the Kuomintang, 
the comrades of our party have realized that unless the 
Manchu Government was overthrown there would be no 
hope for the reconstruction of China. Therefore they rose 
valiantly to be the vanguard of the people and proceeded 
with great rapidity until 1911, when the task of overthrow- 
ing the Manchu Government was at last achieved. But it 
is clear that the aim of the Revolution was not confined to 
the overthrow of the Manchus, but that with their over- 
throw we shall be able to undertake the work of reconstruc- 
tion. According to the circumstances then obtaining we 
ought to be able : — in the racial aspect to proceed from the 
dictatorship to the system of popular sovereignty ; and in 
the economic aspect, to proceed from handicraft production 

Manifesto of the First National Congress 39 

to capitalistic production. Proceeding in this way it can- 
not fail to change the semi-colonial China into an in- 
dependent China, standing proudly in the world. 

But the realities of that time were indeed contrary to 
our expectations. Although it was said that the Revolution 
had succeeded, what the revolutionary Government was 
able to effectively express was only the principle of racial 
emancipation. And in what a short time it was compelled 
by circumstances to compromise with the reactionary class 
of absolutism ! Such compromise is indirectly a concession 
to imperialism, and was the basic reason for the first defeat 
of the Revolution. The representative of the reactionary 
class of absolutism at that time was Yuan Shih-kai. The 
Power that he possessed was not strong. But the fact that 
the revolutionary comrades were not able to crush him was 
due to their earnest desire to avoid a prolongation of the 
civil war in the country as well as to the lack of a party 
that possessed organization and discipline and understood 
its own mission and aims. Were such a party in existence, 
it would be able to defeat the plot of Yuan Shih-kai and 
achieve success. The leaders of the northern militarists 
were always conspiring with the imperialists, and all the 
reactionary classes of absolutism, su,ch as the militarists and 
the politicians, depended upon them for their livelihood." 
Since the revolutionary comrades had consigned the political 
power to them, it was small wonder that defeat was the 

The death of l^uan Shih-kai did not change the fortune 
of the Revolution — in fact, it went from one defeat to 
another. The result was that the militarists of the country 
were able to play the part of executioners and the people 
the victims. Any political reconstruction based on the 
principle of popular sovereignty was out of the question. 
Furthermore, the fact that the militarists were not able to 
live independently drove them to establish connections with 
the imperialists, one and all. Even the so-called Govern- 
ment of the Republic was under the thumb of the militarists, 
and they utilized it to court favour with the imperialists so 
as to strengthen their own positions. The imperialists in 

40 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

their turn utilized them, furnishing them with loans to fill 
their war chests so that the civil war is prolonged, and the 
imperialists were able tO' fish in the troubled w^aters and 
carve out the country's vital interests into spheres of in- 
fluence. From this point of view, it is clear that the 
internal warfare of China is conferring advantages on the 
imperialists. The imperialists in their conflicts of interests 
again sought the support of the militarists, to kill the people 
for their own interests. In addition, the chaotic condition 
of the country acted as a check on the development of the 
internal industries of the country, giving the foreign goods 
added opportunities to reign supreme in the market. So the 
Chinese industries cannot even compete with foreign 
capitalists on the home market. The cruelty of such a 
catastrophe is that not only our political life but also our 
economic life will be exterminated. Glancing around the 
country, it will be seen that the middle class, after the re- 
peated reverses of the Revolution, is suffering increasing 
hardships. The small merchants are becoming bankrupt ; 
the small handicraft workers are losing their work, 
degenerating intO' vagrants and bandits; and then farmers, 
unable to till their own land, are selling out at cheap prices, 
as the cost of living is becoming dearer and the taxes are 
becoming heavier. Such conditions of desolation are found 
on every hand. What can be said of these conditions except 
that they are signs of desperation ? 

From this point of view, the condition of the country 
since the Revolution of 1911 had not only not progressed, 
but, on the contrary, it has retrogressed. The reign of 
arbitrary power of the militarists and the invasions of the 
imperialists are getting worse every day, causing her to 
siiik deeper into the hell of a semi-colonial status. This 
condition is what makes the people of the whole country 
indignant and the thinking men of the country restless until 
a way out is found. 

What is, then, the way out? Regarding this, every 
party in the country and every man, and even foreign 
residents, entertained different opinions. They may be 

Manifesto of the First National Congress 41! 

grouped in the following categories, with our criticism 

First, there is the constitutional school of opinion. 
According to this group of men, China s trou.ble lies in the 
lack of law. If the country can be united under a con- 
stitution, then the chaotic condition will be remedied. The 
trouble with this school is that they forget that the effective- 
ness of a constitution is conditioned on the support of the 
people. Without such support, a constitution alone in black 
and white will not be able to guarantee the sovereignty of 
the people against the attacks of the militarists. We had 
indeed the Provisional Constitution since the first year of 
the Republic, bu.t even then the militarists and the politi- 
cians representing the remnants of absolutism usurped power 
and were able to institute a reign of crime. So long as 
these people are in existence, there will be no use for the 
constitution. In that case the constitution is but waste 
paper, and what good will it do to the sovereignty of the 
people ? One has not forgotten that Tsao Kuan was able to 
bribe himself into power only under the shadow of a con- 
stitution ; but what he did was entirely contrary to the 
constitution. Therefore the pre-requisite question of the 
establishment of a constitution was whether the people were 
able to guard it. There is no use putting the cart before 
the horse. What is more, if the people are not organized, 
the presence of a constitution will not mean that they will 
be able to use it ; and in such a case , even if there is na 
militarist to attack it, it will remain a dead letter only. So 
the fault with this school is that they only know that a 
constitution is what is wanted without thinking what is the 
means of supporting and putting it into practice. This 
school is therefore without the organization, the means, 
and the courage to fight for a constitution. In conclusion, 
it is certain that the establishment of a constitution will 
not come until the power of the militarists and imperialists 
is overthrown. 

Secondly, there is the federal school of opinion. 
x\ccording to this school, the chaotic phenomenon of the 

42 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

country is due to the over-centralization of power in the 
hands of the central government, and therefore, it must 
■divide the power among the provincial governments. When 
local self-government is established, the central government 
will be powerless to do wrong. This school forgets that 
the power of Peking to-day is not conferred by the people 
under any law, but is snatched by the big militarists. The 
big militarists used their armed power to capture the 
central government, and in turn utilized it to expand their 
armed power. The suggestion of this school amou.nts to 
this much, that the power of the small militarists 
of the provinces shall be utilized to curtail the 
power of the central government, leaving the big 
militarists in control of it to perpetrate crimes. Where 
is the logic in this reasoning ? The inevitable result will be 
that the small militarists will be enabled to establish their 
governments in the provinces side by side with the big 
militarists, each for his own benefit, and the country will 
thus be in a partitioned state. This state of affairs is not 
characterized by any order or government. It is true that 
real self-government is the highest good and answers the 
demands and the spirit of our people. But such real self- 
government cannot be achieved until the country as a 
whole has achieved its independence. Now% China as 
a whole has not secured its independence, and it would be 
impossible to secure first the independence of any of its 
parts. Therefore, struggle for self-government cannot 
proceed independently from the struggle of the movement 
for national independence. Only w^ithin a free China can 
there be free provinces. The political, economic, and 
social problems within a province are only soluble within 
the scope of the whole country. Therefore, the realization 
of real self-government of the provinces will only be 
possible after the success of the interests of the revolution 
of the whole country. We recommend this analysis to the 
consideration of the whole country. 

Thirdly, there is the school of opinion favouring 
peace conferences. The country has suffered long from 

Manifesto of The First National Congress 43 

the civil war, and suggestions of holding peace conferences 
came as a natural result. These suggestions are not 
confined to the Chinese, but there are foreigners also. If 
we can achieve peace in this way, nothing can be better. 
But the trouble is that these suggestions defeat their own 
purposes. Let us see why. The civil war is created 
directly by the competing militarists. In seeking their 
own interests these militarists stand in absolute opposition 
to one another, and there was no ground for any com- 
promise. Even if there were, it would not amount to 
more than the compromise between the interests of the 
militarists, and it had nothing to do with the interests of 
the people. It would be a union of the militarists and not 
the union of the country, and what will it bring to the 
people ? The result of such peace conferences will in no 
way be different from the results of the peace conferences 
of Europe, where the peace of the small nation is sacrificed 
to the competing interests of the big Powers. The fact 
that China was not able to get unity was due to the 
interests of these Powers. If one knows the impossibility 
of peace, but entertains the illusion that the parties to this 
struggle will seek a sort of equilibrium and avoid conflict, 
thereby securing a temporary truce, it would be entirely a 
dream. The reason is that in fact there is no power to 
prevent one militarists attacking another; and since all 
militarists possess mercenary troops, the inevitable result 
is plundering and war. It is, of course, easier to plunder 
other provinces than to plunder one's own province. 

Fourthly, there is the school of opinion advocating 
government by the merchant class. The originator of this 
opinion viewed the trouble as arising from the militarists 
and politicians, and therefore, the capitalists ought to rise 
to take their place. But if militarists and politicians 
incurred the hatred of the people, due do the fact that 
they do not represent the people, we must ask in the first 
place, can the merchants represent the interests of the 
masses of the people? In the second place, we must know 
that the militarist government incurred the increasing 

44: Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

hatred of the people because it depended on the protection 
of the foreign Powers. The merchant government will 
also be under the protection of the foreign Powers, and 
in that case it is nothing different from the militarist 
government. iVlthough one cannot be opposed to a 
merchant government as such, our demand is that the 
masses of the people will organize the government them- 
selves, to represent the interests of the whole people, and 
not confine it to those of the merchant class. And that 
government must be one w^hich is independent and does 
not seek the help of others. It must depend on the will of 
the whole of the masses of the people. 

A brief survey of the above currents of thought has 
shown that some of them proceeded from a sincere desire 
to save the countr}\ but result only in chimeras, while 
others are the outcome of malicious criticism lacking in all 

The Kuomintang is always of the opinion that the only 
way out for China is to realize the Three Principles through 
the Nationalist Revolution. Reviewing the present situation 
of China, we are more confirmed in our view that the 
Nationalist Revolution cannot be delayed. We therefore 
submit to the people of the whole country a detailed 
presentation of the principles and the politicial platform of 
the Kuomintang. 



(By Dr. Sun Yatsen). 

It is calculated that in the last year of the world war 
the daily expenditure of the Viarious warring peoples 
amounted roughly to 240 millions of dollars (gold;. Let 
us assume that, with the exercise of the greatest care, only 
half this sum was spent on military fortifications and other 
military requirements. This will mean an expenditure of 
about 120 million gold dollars. If we look at these military 
expenses from the commercial standpoint, we see tlie 
following picture. The battlefields were the markets for 
war industry, and the soldiers were the consumers. The 
war swallowed up everything. Nearly the whole of world 
industry was militarised. In order to increase the produc- 
tion of munitions, the people of the warring and even of 
neutral countries were forced to content themselves with 
the most limited necessaries of life, and to give up, not only 
articles of luxury, but also their everyday comforts. 

Now the war is over, and the market for war industry 
has closed — let us hope, for ever. To-day the world is 
facec" with the problem of how to organise the post-war 
economy of Europe. Above we noted that 120 million dol- 
lars daily were spent on military supplies. Let us assunie 
that the restoration of European economy will require half 
tliis sum, i.e. 60 million dollars: this still leaves us the 
balance of 60 nillion dollars daily, which might be utilised 
for other requirements. 

Furthermore, millions of soldiers, who during the war 
were only consumers, will now once again become a pro- 
ductive force. There has also taken place a concentration 
and nationalisation of industry w^hich I would call the 

46 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

second industrial revolution, and the magnitude of which 
is much greater than that of the first industrial 
revohition, in which handcrafts were replaced by 
machine production. The second industrial revolution 

will increase the productivity of the worker many 
times more than the first. Consequently, the concentra- 
tion and nationalisation of indtistry on account of the world 
war will in the future complicate the restoration of post- 
war industry. Image : a new commerce, created by the 
war and amounting to 60 million dollars a day or 21 mil- 
liard, 900 million dollars a year, must stop as soon as peace 
is signed. Where in the world can Europe and America 
find a market to dispose of these enormous supplies remain- 
ing after the war ? If these milliards of dollars invested in 
war industries find no outlet in peace conditions, the world 
will be faced with an economic crisis. This will not only 
disturb economic conditions in Europe and America, bufc 
will inflict grave damage on world economy. 

The commercial countries of the whole world look on 
China as a "dumping ground" for their surplus production. 
Pre-war trade conditions were unfavourable for China. 
The excess of imports over exports amounted to about 100 
million dollars (gold) yearly. The Chinese market could 
not extend very much in these conditions, since this would 
have led to the pumping of gold out of China, and would 
have been profitable only for the foreign countries trading 
with China. Fortunately, the natural wealth of China is 
very great, its opening up would create an unlimited market 
for the whole world, and it could usefully absorb a great 
part, if not all, of the milliards of dollars remaining in war- 
time industry. 

China is a country in which hand labour still prevails, 
and which has not yet entered the first stage of industrial 
evolution, while Europe anid. America have already reached 
the second. Therefore China has to begin both periods of 
industrial evolution at the same time, applying machinery 
simultaneously with the principle of the nationalisation of 
industry. In this event China will require machinery for 

The Development of Chinese Industry 47 

her widespread agriculture; technical equipment for her 
rich mines, machinery for her innumerable und'ertakings of 
all kinds, for her extensive transport systems, and for all 
her social needs. How can this new demand for modem 
machinery affect the reorganisation of war-time industry in 
Europe and America? The factories which turned out 
guns can easily be transformed into factories manufactur- 
ing steamrollers for bujlding roads in China. Shops which 
produced tanks can now make rolling platforms for trans- 
porting raw material® from every part of China. All forms 
of war machinery can be turned into peace-time imple- 
ments for the general development of the natural wealth of 
China. The Chinese people will welcome the opening-up 
of the riches of our country, providing China is protected 
againsf the corrupting influence of the mandarins and will 
have a guarantee of normal intercourse with foreign states. 

Some nations of Europe and America may fear that 
the development of military technique, military organisa- 
tion, and industrialisation generally will create undesirable 
competition for foreign industry. I therefore propose a plan 
for the organisation of a new market in China, sufficiently 
extensive both to develop China's productive forces and to 
absorb the industrial capacity of the foreign Powers. The 
plan I propose is as follows : 

1. The development of systems of communication : 

(a) 100,000 miles of railways. 

(b) 1,000,000 miles of roads. 

(c) Improvement of existing canals : 

(i) Hangchow- Tientsin, 
(ii) Sinkiang-Yangtse. 

(d) Construction of new canals : 

(i) Liaoyang-Shanghai-kwan. 
(ii) Canals to be planned. 

(e) Organisation of China's river system : 

(i) Clearing and deepening the bed of 
the river Yangtse, from Hankow to 
the sea, in order to permit of ocean- 
going vessels reaching Hankow. 

48 De. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

(ii) Clearing and deepening the bed of the 
river Hwangho, to prevent flooding, 
(iii) Clearing the Hsikiang. 
(iv) Clearing the Hwaiho. 
(v) Clearing other rivers, 
(f) Construction of long-distance telegraph and 
telephone lines, and also .organisation of 
wireless telegraph stations. 

2. The organisation and development of conimercial 

harbours : 

(a) The organisation of three large-scale ocean 
ports, capable of equalling New York in the 
future, in the north, centre and south of 

(b) Construction of commercial and fishing 
harbours along the entire coast. 

(c) Construction of commercial docks alono all 
navigable rivers. 

3. The building of modern cities, with social con- 
veniences of all kimdls, near all railway centres, 
principal statioius, and harbours. 

4. Utilisation of China's waterways. 

5. Erection of iron and steel works on the largest 
scale, and also of cement works to meet building 

6. Development of China's mineral wealth. 

7. Development of agriculture. 

8. Irrigation work in Mongolia and Chinese ^Tur- 

9. Forestry work in central and northern China. 

10. The colonisation of Manchuria, Mongolia, Sin- 
kiang, Koko-nor and Tibet. 

If the above programme is gradually carried out, China 
wdll become, not a mere "dumping-ground" for foreign 
goods, but a real "economic ocean," capable of absoHjing 
all the surplus capital of the world as rapidly as the indus- 
trial countries can produce, in the coming era of the second 

The Development of Chinese Industry 49 

industrial revolution based on nationalised machine indus- 
try. This will eliminate the struggle of commercial com- 
X^etition, not only in China, but throughout the world. 

The world war showed mankind that war is destructive 
both for the victor and for the vanquished, but it is most 
harmful of all for the attacker. This applies to economic 
warfare as well as war by force of arms. The American 
President, Wilson, has proposed the formation of a League 
of Nations to prevent future wars ; I want to propose the 
cessation of commercial war by co-operation and mutual aid 
in the development of China. This will eliminate the chief 
cause of all future wars. 

If my proposal is acceptable to the Powers possessing 
capital, 1 shall present further details. 

The development of America as an industrial and com- 
iiiercial nation has conferred many benefits on the v^hole 
world. The development of China with its 400 million people 
will create another New World in the economic sense. The 
nations who take part in the development of China will reap 
vast benefits. Moreover, international economic co-opera- 
tion can only assist the strengthening of the ties of friend- 
ship between the peoples. Finally, I am certain that in the 
loiig run, China will be a foundation stone of the League of 

For the successful fulfilment of this plan, I propose the 
following three essential steps. First, that a Board of the 
Powers supplying capital be organised by agreement, in order 
to act together and to create an international organisation 
with its military organisers, its administrators and its ex- 
perts in various spheres, to work out plans and standardise 
materials, thus avoiding trouble and facilitating the works 
proposed. Secondly, it is essential that the confidence of 
the Chinese people be secured, in order to serve as a basis 
for co-operation and for popular support in every way. If 
these two steps are taken, the third step will be the open- 
ing of official negotiations for the conclusion of a final agree- 
ment with the Chinese Government relative to the plan put 

50 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

Finally, the last but most important condition is to 
prevent the repetition of former mistakes. In 1913 the for- 
eign bankers treated the wishes of the Chinese jDeople with 
contempt : they thoHght that they could settle everything 
with the Chinese Government alone. But it turned out 
that the treaties which they concluded with the Govern- 
ment, with the help of great bribes, were later refused re- 
cognition by the Chinese people. If the foreign banks had 
chosen a safer road, and had first of all secured the con- 
fidence of the Chinese people, and then had begun to nego- 
tiate treaties, they would have been more successful. 



(By Dr. Sun Yatsen). 

Jji_my Tni^rnational Development Scheme, I venture 
to^present a pr;ictical sol u lion t'of the three great world 
questions, which aie : the international War, the 
Commercial \\ ar and the Class War. As it has been 
discovered by post-Darwin philosophers that the primary 
force of human evolution is co-operation and not struggle 
as that of the animal world, so the fighting nature, a 
residue of the animal instinct in man, must be eliminated 
from man, the sooner the better. 

International war is nothing more than pure and 
simple organized robbery on a grand scale, which all 
right-minded people deplore. W'hen the United States of 
America turned the recent European conflict into a world 
war by taking part in it, the American people to a man 
determined to make this war end war forever. And the 
hope of the peace-loving nations in the world was raised 
so high that we Chinese thought that the "Tatung" or the 
Great Harmony Age was at hand. But unfortunately, the 
United States has completely failed in peace, in spite of 
her great success in war. Thus, the world has been 
thrown back to the pre-war condition again. The 
scrambling for territories, the struggle for food, and the 
fighting for raw materials will begin anew\ So instead of 
disarmament there is going to be a greater increase in the 
armies and navies of the once allied powers for the next 
war. China, the most rich and populous country in the 
world, will be the prize. Some years ago there was great 
inclination among the'^owers to divide China and Impeiial 
Russia actually took-steps to colonize Manchuria. But the 
then chivalrous Japan went to war with Russia and thus 

52 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

saved Ciiina from partition. Now tiie militaristic policy 
of Japan is to swallow China alone. So long as China i- 
leftJo the^t£iider„mfaii}^._of the militaristic powers she must 
eithiej;„, succum b to pa rtition by several powders or be 
sw^ljowed up bx.^nfi_-P.ower . 

However, the tide of the w^orld seems to be turning. 
After centuries of sou,nd shmiber, the Chinese people at 
last are waking up and realizing that we must get up and 
follow in the world's progress. Now we are at the parting 
of the ways. Sh all w e__ organize for war or shall we 
organize forjpeace ? Our militarists and reactionaries Hesire 
the forrner, and they are going to Japanize China, so that 
when the time comes they will start another Boxer 
Movement once more to defy the civilized w^orld. But as 
the founder of the Chung Hwa Min Kuo — the Chinese 
Republic — I_desire to have China organi zed for peace. I 
therefore, begin to utilize my pen, which I hope will prove 
even mightier than the sword that I used to destroy 
the Mancliu Dynasty, to w^rite out these programs for 
organizing China for peace. 

During the course of my writings these programs have 
been pu,blished in various magazines and newspapers time 
after time and are being spread all over China. They are 
welcomed everywhere and by everyone in the country. So 
far there is not a word expressed in disfavour of my 
proposition. The only anxiety ever expressed regarding 
my scheme is w^here can we obtain such huge sums of 
mojiev to carry out even a small part of this comprehensive 
project. Fortunately, however; soon after the preliminary 
part of my programs has been sent out to the different 
governments and the Peace Conference, a new^ Consortium 
was fonned in Paris for the purpose of assisting China in 
developing her natural resources. This w^as initiated by 
the American Government. Thus we need not fear the 
laclwQf capital to start work in our industrial development. 
If the Powers are sincere in their motive to co-operate for 
mutual benefit, then the military struggle for material 

China's International Development 53 

gain in China could eventually be averted. For through 
co-operation, they can secure more benefits and advantages 
than through struggle. The Japanese militarists still tiiink 
that war is the most profitable national pursuit, and their 
General Staff keeps on planning a war once in a decade. 
This Japanese illusion was encouraged and strengthened 
by the campaign of 1894 against China, a cheap and short 
one but rich in remuneration for Japan ; also by the 
campaign of 1904 against Russia which was a great success 
to the Japanese, and the fruit of its victory was not \em in 
value ; finally by the campaign of 1914 against Germany 
which formed Japan's part in the world war. 
Although Japan took the smallest part in the world war 
and expended the least in men and money, yet the fruit of 
her victory was.„Shantung, a territory as large as Roumania 
before the war, with a population as numerous as that of 
Fn\nce. \Yith such crowning results in every war during 
the last thirty years no wonder the Japanese militarists 
tiiink that the most profitable business in this world is 

The effect of the last war in Europe proves, however, 
just the contrary. An aggresive Germany lost entirely her 
capital and interests, plus something more, while victorious 
France gained practically nothing. Since China is awake 
now, the next aggression from Japan will surely be met 
by a resolute resistance from the Chinese peoj^le. Even 
granted that Japan could conquer China, it would be an 
impossibility for Japan to govern China profitably for any 
period of time. The Japanese financiers possess better 
foresight than their militarists as was proved during the 
dispute of the Manchurian and the Mongolian reservations 
when the former prevailed over the latter thus causing the 
Japanese Government to give up her monopoly of these 
territories to the new Consortium, in order to co-operate 
with the other powers. We, the Chinese people, who 
desire to organize China for peace will welcome heartily 
this new Consortium provided it will carry out the 
principles which are outlined in these programs. Thus, 

54 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

co-operation of various nations can be secured and the 
military struggle for individual and national gain will cease 

^^ommercial war, or competition, i§_a struggle betw^een 
the capitalists 'themselves. This war has no national 
distinction. It is fought just as furiously and mercilessly 
between countries as well as within the country. The 
method of fighting is to undersell each other, in. order to 
exhaust the weaker rfva's so that the victor may control 
the markel al o^e and dictate terms to the consuming 
public as long as possible. The result of the commercial 
w3rn:s' no^less'^armful and cruel to the vanquished foes 
than an armed conflict. This war has become more and 
more furious every day since the adoption of machinery for 
production. It was once thought by the economists of the 
Adam Smith school that competition was a beneficent 
factor and a sound economic system, but modern economists 
discovered that it is a very wastefuPand ruinous system. 
As a matter of fact, modern economic tendencies work in 
a contrary direction, that is, towards concentration instead 
of competition. That is the reason why the trusts in 
America flourish " in spite of the anti-trust law and the 
public opinion which aim at suppressing them. For trusts, 
by eliminating waste and cutting down expenses can 
produce much cheaper than individual producers. When- 
ever a trust enters into a certain field of industry, it always 
sweeps that field clean of rivals, by supplying cheap articles 
to the public. This woujd prove a blessing to the public 
but for the unfortunate fact that the trust is a private 
concern, and its object is to make as much profit as 
possible. As soon as all rivals are swept clean from the 
field of competition, the trust would raise the price of its 
articles as high as possible. Thus the public is oppressed 
by it. The trust is a result of economic evolution, therefore 
it is out of human power to suppress it. The proper 
remedy is to have it owned by all the people of the 
country. In my International Development Scheme, I 
intend to turn all the national industries of China into a 

China's International Development 55 

Great Trust owned by the Cliinese people, and financed 
witii interna tionar capifaT tor iiiutual benefii: — %lfe once 
for all, commercial war wilt be done away in the largest 
market of the world. 

Class war is a struggle between hbor a nd capita l. The 
war is at present raging at its full height in all the highly 
developed industrial countries. Labour feels sure of its final 
victory wliile capitalists are determined to resist to the 
bitter end. When will it end and what will be the 
decision no one dares to predict. China, however, owing 
to Jlie backwardness of her industrial development, which 
is a blessing in disguise, in this respect, has not yet entered 
into the class war. Our labouring class, commonly known 
as coolies, are living from hand to mouth and will therefore 
only be too glad to w^elcome any capitalist who would even 
put u,p a sweat shop to exploit them. The capitalist is a 
rare specimen in China and is only beginning to make his 
appearance in the treaty ports. 

However, China must develop her industries by all 
means. Shall we follow the old path of western 
civilization ? This old path resembles the sea route of 
Columbus' first trip to America. He set out from Europe 
by a southw^esterly direction through the Canary Islands to 
San Salvador, in the Bahama Group. But nowadays 
navigators take a different direction to America and find 
that the destination can be reached by a distance many 
times shorter. The path of western civilization was an 
unknown one and those who went before gro}>ed in the 
dark as Columbus did on his first voyage to America. As 
a late comer, China can greatly profit in covering the ^pace 
by ' following the direction already charted by western 
pioneers. Thus we can foresee that the final goal of the 
w^estward-ho in the Atlantic is not India but the New 
World. So is the case in the economic ocean. The goal 
of material civilization is no private profit but public 
profit. And the shortest route to it is not competition but 
co-operation. In my International Development Scheme, 
I propose that the profits of this industrial development 

66 Dk. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

should go first to pay the interest and principal of foreign 
capital invested in it ; second to give high wages to 
labour ; and third to improve or extend the machinery of 
production." Besides these provisions the rest of the profit 
should go to the public in the form of reduced prices in all 
commodities and public services. Thus, all will enjoy, in 
the same degree, the fruits of modern civilization. This 
industrial development scheme is a part of my general plan 
for constructing a New China. In a nut-shell, it is my 
idea to make capitalism create socialism in Ghiea so that 
these two ecpnomic forces of human evolution will work 
side bv side in civilisation of the future. 

The Magnificent Mausoleum where the late Dr. Sun Yat-sen 
will be laid to rest. 



. •-^VfXf ""■■> - 






w- "^JH^H 



Back view of Dr. Sun's Mausoleum. 



Le Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Pere de la Republique chiuoise 
populairement connii sous 1q nom du Washington de Chine, 
a mene une vie de labeur penible, car il a toujours 
ete expose au.x dangers a cause de ses activites revolution- 
naires. Le Dr. Sun eet reconnu par le monde entier com- 
me le chef de la Revolution le plus effectif et le plus actif 
que la Chine ait jamais produit. Sa. vie a ete entierement 
consacree a liberer la Chine des chaines des superstitions et 
de la stagnation economique et a hater eon rel^vement au 
niveau d'une puissance moderne. 

Le grand chef de la revolution est ne dans la province 
de Kwangtoung le 12 Novembre, 1866. A quatorze ans, il 
alia a Honolulu, ou, il etudia a I'ecole des pasteurs anglais. 
Diplome a cette ecole, il suivit le cours preparatoire de 
rUniversite de St. Louis. Son retour a Hongkong et son 
entree au Queen's College niarquerent le commencemeiit 
de sa carriere revolutionnaire ; durant sa jeunesse, il etait 
convaincu que la faiblesse de la Chine etait due a I'incapacitQ 
et a la corruption des Mandchoux et il croyait que le 
ineilleur moyen d'y remedier etait de travailler a leur «hute. 
Apres son retour de Honolulu,, il evolua beaucoup, aussi 
precha-t-il les principes de la revolution a ses compatriotes, 
et sa devise en ce temps fut : "'La monarchic absolue ne 
pent pas durer longtem])s." Ce principe est une sorte 
de protestation contre le gouvernement arbitrair© du trone. 
Bien que persuade que toute sa vie devait etre consacree 
au salut de la Chine, il pensa qu'il fallait choisir une 
profession, pou,r mieux cacher ses activites: il considera 
alore la medecine comme un moyen capable de le diriger 
vers I'arene politique; et cela parce que les Chinois 
regardent tout raedecin comme indifferent a la politique. 

58 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

il put ainsi faire de la propagande revolutionnaire sans trop 
eveiller Tattention des autorites. 

Au temps qu'il etudiait a I'ecole de medecine de Po-tsi 
a Canton, il rencontra Tchen Sze-liang, qui plus tard devait 
prendre une part preponderante dans ses activites 
revolutionnaires ; entre eux ils iddscutaient les principes 
revolutionnaires avec une passion incroyable. Apres une 
annee d 'etudes a I'ecole de medecine de Canton, il trouva 
que le college de medecine de Hongkong avait un plus large 
programme, et ce fut pendant son sejour a Hongkong qu'il 
reyut I'aide enthousiaste de Tchen Shoa-b.o, Yu Shao~vin et 
Yang Ho-lin, et d'une autre personnalite de Shanghai, Liou 
Hoa-toung. Ensemble, ils ne se plaisaient qu'a s'entretenir 
sur les principes de la revolution. Aussi regurent-ils le 
sobriquet de "Les quatre grands et inseparables compagnons 
d'infortune." Leur ferme conviction que la Chine ne pent 
etre sauvee que par la revolution, leur inspira de former 
r Association Shing-Dchoung-Hwei. 


Apres la defaite de la Chine par les Japonais en 1894 
il etait convaincu que la revolution etait le seul moyen de 
sauver sa patrie de la destruction. La-dessus, il organisa 
une attaque contre le Y^amen de Canton au mois d'Octobre 
de 1895, mais cette attaque demeuja sans succes. Plus de 
six cents pistolets furent saisis a bord d'un vaisseau par les 
autorites, les camarades Lioi; Hoa-toung, Tchoeau Sze et 
Tchu Kwei-chen furent executes, et 70 personnes furent 

Les Mandchoux ordonnerent Tarrestation du Dr. Sun 
qui s'enfuit a Hawaii puis en Amerique et de la en 
Angleterre. Durant son sejour a I'etranger, il commen(^a 
deja a precher a ses compatriotes la necessite de la revolution. 
Le nationalisme n 'avait pas completement disparu parmi 
les Chinois, bien qu'ils aient ete gou,vernes par les 
Mandchoux vainqueurs pendant plus de deux siecles. 
Cependant les lettres de la Dynastie des Ming propagerent 

Ses Activites Revolutiunnaires 59 

les idees nationalistes et formerent une societe secrete 
appelees le Tong-Men-Hwei, Un grand nombre des 
emigrants chinois en faisaient partie, c'est ainsi que le chef 
revolutionnaire put trouver chez eux le soutien moral et 
financier dont il avait besoin pour realiser la grande tache 
et renverser les Mandchoux. 

Le moment le plus dangereux pou,r lui fut celui ou il 
s'echappa a la legation chinoise a Londres. II y fut garde 
jusqu'a ce que son ancien ami, Sir James Cantlie, le libera. 
Sa vie fut constamment exposee au danger. Un detective 
le suivait partout ou il allait et il fut oblige de prendre toutes 
sortes de deguisements. 

Retourne au Japon en 1899 , il y loua u,ne maison aupres 
du consulat chinois a Yamashita Cho. La il continua ses 
activites jusqu'a la seconde revolution qu'il organisa aussitot 
apres la destruction des rebelles "Boxers." II fit tout son 
possible pour assurer le succes du, general Houang Shing et 
de son ancien Camarade de olasse, Tcheng Sze-Iiang. Le 
debut du mouvement fut heureux, mais il fut arrete un peu 
plus tard par une cause imprevue, et ainsi la seconde 
entreprise echoua par manque de provisions. 

Apres cet essai sans succes, il retourna au 
Japon. En 1903 il alia en Annam. Sous la 
direction du general Houang Shing, les revolutionnaires 
commencerent a dirioer leurs effectifs vers Tchao-Tcheou 
mais ils furent defaits. Une autre entreprise fut dirigee 
contre I'armee imperiale a Hwei-Tcheou, mais elle se 
termina aussi par u,ne defaite. Nullement decourage par ces 
revers du sort, le Dr. Sun se rendit en Europe ou il continua 
sa propagande revolutionnaire parmi les etudiants. Revenu 
en son pays en 1906, il s'efFor^a de s'assurer la fidelite de Ko 
Jen-tchang et de Tchao Pai-shen, panegyristes de I'armee 
imperiale. Un Japonais fut envoye au Japon dans le but 
d'acheter des munitions et des provisions, mais par suite 
d'une dispute au Qu,artier-General de Tokyo, les armees 
n'arrivaient pas a temps, et les forces revolutionnaires furent 
obligees de se retirer. 

60 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

En 1907, le Dr. Sun dirigea personnellement ses 
camarades dans une attaque centre Tchen-Nan-Kwan et le 
captura. Le general Houang Shing reyut alors I'ordre 
d'alier s'emparer des districts de Lien et de Tchien ; mais 
fante de munitions, les forces du general Houang furent 
obligees de se retirer. A la requete de Pekin, le Dr. Sun 
fut chasse d'Annam par le gouvernement fran^ais et il alia 
alors a Singapore. Pendant ce temps, Houang Ming-tang 
dirigea avec succes une campagne a Ho-keou et put saisir 
plus de 1,000 soldats de I'armee imperiale. Comme il. 
fallait un chef capable, le Dr. Sun telegraphia au general 
Houang Shing de se rendre immediatement sur les lieux. 
Malheureusement, le general Hou.ang fut arrete par les 
autorites francaises, et les huit entreprises se terminerent 
par une defaite. 

En 1909, le grand chef revolutionnaire alia en Amerique 
pour y soUiciter le concours de ses compatriotes. Pendant 
son sejour a I'etranger, ses camarades en Chine tenterent 
de prendre d'assaut la ville de Canton, mais ils furent mis 
en deroute. Le Dr. Sun se trouvait a San Francisco en ce 
moment la. A cette nouvello il s'empressa de retourner en 
Chine ou il convoqu,e une assemblee a Penang pour y 
discuter les futures tactiques revolutionnaires. II retourna 
ensuite en Amerique pour se procurer des fonds. Pendant 
son absence, il y eut une autre tentative en vu,e de prendre 
la province de Kwangtoung et cette entreprise echoua aussi. 
Alors se place I'evenement connu sous le nom *de "martyrs 
de Houang-Hoa-I\ang." 


La deuxieme entreprise fut destinee a changer le cours 
des evenements en Chine, car Wou-Han fut capture sans 
aucune difficulte le 10 Octobre, 1911, et toutes les provinces, 
les unes apres les autres se rallierent a la cause 
revolutionnaire. Les Mandchoux furent enfin chasses du 
trone et la Chine fut proclamee Republique. Aussitot 
rentre d'Amerique le Dr. Sun fit elu ]^^ President de h, 

La Chine Proclamee Republique 61 

Le Dr. Sun abdiqua en faveivf de Yuan Shih-kai, mais 
ce geste fut une faute de sa part, car Yuan Shih-kai aspirait 
secretement au trone. Aussitot apres sa nommination, 
Yuen employa son influence pour faire assassiner Song 
Tchao-jen, candidal du Kuomintang au poste de premier 
ministre. Le second pas fut de detruire le Kuomintang 
et de dissoudi*e le Parlement. Quand Yuan Shih-kai se fit 
proclamer I'empereur, une nouvelle revolution !e chassa du 

Par suite de la suppression du Kuomintang par Yuan 
Shih-kai, le Dr. Sun fu,t oblige de se refugier au Japon. 
Avec 1 'assistance du Dr. Wou Ting-fang, le Dr. Sun 
recommenga son travail en etablissant un gouvernement a 
Canton pour I'opposer au gouvernement de Pekin en 1917. 
Le Dr. Sun fut nomme Commandant en chef de Tarmee 
et de la marine, puis en 1921 il fut elu president du 
gouvernement constitu.tionnel de Canton par une majorite 
accablante. Apres son installation, il organisa une 
expedition contre les militaristes du, nord, mais quand son 
armee fut entree au Kwangsi, son homme de confiance 
Tchen Tchiong-min, se revolta contre lui en 1922. !^^ais 
en 1923 le Dr. Sun repoussa les forces ennemies et retablit 
le gouvernement de Canton. 

Pendant la seconde partie de I'annee 1924, les hostilites 
recommencerent entre le Fengtien et le Tchili, le Dr. Sun 
ne perdit pas un instant et se hata de mobiliser ses forces 
pour une expedition contre le nord. Apres le renversement 
de Tsao Knn, les chefs du Kuomintang inviterent le Dr. 
Sun a se rendre dans le Nord pour y tenir une conference. 
Le "Pere de la Eepublique chinoise" arriva a Tientsin le 
4 Decembre, et y tomba malade, mais il s'efforga d'arriver 
a Pekin la veille du nouvel an. II fut transporte a 
rhopital "Union de Pekin" ou il fut opere, malgre les 
efforts tentes pour sauver sa vie, mais ce fut 
malheureusement en vain, il mourut le 12 Mars, 1925 
Les demieres paroles prononcees sur son lit de mort furent 
"Paix-Lutte-Sauver la Chine." 

62 Dii. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

Bien qu'il ne soit pas vivant poiu" assister au triomphe 
de son ideal pour lequel il a lutte pendant les derniers 
qiiarante ans de sa vie, son esprit et son enthousiasme 
restent toujours parmi ses partisans, qui ont fait de leur 
mieux pour atteindre son but et realiser ses aspirations. 
x\ujourd'hui, la grande majorite de ceux qu,i furent jadis 
ses adversaires les plus recalcitrants deviennent les 
protecteurs de son ideal et s'appliquent ainsi a observer 
ses trois principes qui sont le Nationalisme, la Democratie 
et la Subsistance du peuple. Le Gouvernement National 
agit consciencieusement suivant les conseils du Dr. Sun 
pour etablir le systeme des cinq pouvoirs: execu,tif, 
judiciaire, legislatif, controle et examinatif. Depuis la 
periode de la tutelle politique jusqu'a celle de la 
Constitution on doit apprendre a la masse les quatre droits 
essentiels du peuple; le suffrage, le rappel, I'initiative et 
la referendum. 




Depuis la Eevolution de 1911 jusqu'a present, la 
Republique chinoise n'existe que de nom. Les produits 
nationaux n'ont pas encore pu mettre la China au rang 
des Grandes Puissances mondiales. Le peuple n'a 
reellement avance ni en politique ni en economiqu,e. Le 
malheur que cause le demembrement devient de jour en 
jour plus grave. Aussi, chercher la cause de tout cela et 
en trouver le remede est tache la plus urgente de I'heure. 

Le but de la Revolution est de mettre en pratique 
les *Trois Principes du Peuple." Mais cette mise en 
application des **Trois Principes de Peuple" doit etre 
executee avec niethode et selon programme. Ces principes 
peuvent influencer le peuple, mais ce dernier en saura-t-il 
profiter? Tout depend de la fagon dont on applique la 
methode et le programme. Je me suis aper^u de cette 
necessite d 'avoir un programme conforme, aussi deja avant 
la Revolution de 1911, d'un cote je mettais en application 
les principes et de 1 'autre cote j'etudiais et reglementais le 
programme ainsi que la methode d 'application. Le 
programme de reconstruction se divise en trois etapes qui 
CONSTITUTION. Le programme doit etre execute 
selon cet ordre afin de bien remplir la tache revolutionnaire. 

Avant 1911, a chaque mouvement revolutionnaire, nous 
declarions et expliquions au monde les principes "SAN 

6i Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life akd Achievements 

MIN" et le programme de reconstruction nationale et cela 
dans le but de realiser une entente entre les partisans de la 
Kevolution et le peuple. 

Lorsqu'arriva I'annee 1911, la Eevo}u,tion, apres 
quelques mois de combat, renversa la monarchie absolue 
etablie depuis plus de quatre mille ans ainsi que le 
Gouvernement arbitraire Mandchoux installe depuis plus 
de deux cent soixante ans. La force destructive de la 
Revolution de 1911 n'etait done pas des moins pu,issantevs. 
Mais comment se fait-il que jusqua'a present les **Trois 
Principles du Peuple" ne soient pas encore reellement 
appliques? C'est parce que on n'a pas suivi le programme 
anterieurement dresse' pour la reconstruction apres la 
destruction. Car on ne pourrait pas aneantir les forces 
ennemies de la Revolution, ni propager a la fou,le les 
principes revolutionnaires pour obtenir sa sympathie et sa 
croyance sans passer par la periode des operations militaires. 
II en est de meme pour la periode de la tutelle politique. 
Car la majorite du peuple, opprime depuis trop longtemps 
et subitement arrache a I'oppression, ne sait pas encore 
comment se mobiliser. S'il gardait son habitude de ne pas 
remplir iso.i devoir il serait encore exploite et par la 
se tournerait sans le savoir contre la Revolution. Le 
premier tort est qu'on n'est pas alle jusqu'au fond de la 
reconstruction revolutionnaire ; le second est qii.'on n'a pas 
su faire progresser la reconstruction. Au temps de la 
Revolution de 1911 on se pressait de reglementer la 
Constitution provisoire, croyant avoir ainsi etabli la base 
de la Eepublique ; mais le resultat obtenu etait justement le 

Apres 1 'application de la constitution provisoire, on 
s'apercevait qu'elle fut sans resultat : I'existence d'une 
constitution n'avait done plus de raison d'etre. On se 
plaignait que celle-la n'etait pas parfaite et on se hatait 
de reglementer une nouvelle pour remplacer la provisoire. 
Le mal consiste en ce que le programme n'a pas ete 
applique a la lettre; au lieu de commencer par la periode 
des operations militaires puis celle de la tutelle politique 

Preface Aux Principes Fondamentaux 65 

et celle de la constitution, on commen^ait par la fin, c'est-a- 
dire, par la periode constitutive. 

Apres la promulgation de la constitution provisoire de 
1911, les forces anti-revolutionnaires au lieu, d'etre aneanties 
se trouvaient par contre agrandies avec I'appui de la 
constitution elle-meme ; et, s'appuyant sur la constitution 
elles Taneantissent. S'apercevant de la non importance et 
de I'inopportunite de la constitution, la majorite du peuple 
se montrait indifferente a sa destruction et, a plus forte 
raison, a sa protection. C'etait parce qu'on ne suivait pas 
le programme c'est pourquoi la constitution provisoire ne 
prodaisait pas le resultat voulu. Apres 1911, il n'y avait 
que la constitution provisoire qui soutenait la Republique. 
Son resultat fut si mauvais, connnent voulez-vous quo la 
discipline existe et les desordres ne s'en su,ivent ? 

L 'opinion de noire (louvernement actuel est que la 
Revolution ulterieure a ete faite non seulement pour la 
destruction mais encore pour la reconstruction, pjir la 
reglementation d'un programme determine. Et c'est cette 
idee directrice qui dicte les 25 articles concernant les 
principes fondamentaux de la reconstruction nationale. Ces 
articles constituent desormais ]es directives de la Revolution. 

Les articles 1 a 4 des principes fondamentaux de la 
reconstruction nationale proclament les principes et la 
substance de la Revolution elle-meme. Les articles qui 
suivent 1 'article 5 servent a montrer la tactique et le 
programme de la Revolution. Les articles 6 et 7 indiquent 
que le but de la periode des operations militaires est de 
supprimer toutes les forces anti-revolutionnaires et de 
propager les principes de la Revolution. Les articles 8 a 18 
indiquent que le but de la periode de la tutelle politique est 
de diriger le peuple en entreprenant la reconstruction 
revolutionnaire, prenant d'abord, pour cela, la prefecture 
comme unite administrative autonome. Durant cette 
periode on s'efforcera de supprimer I'ancien regime et 
d'initier le nouveau, pour etablir la base des ix)uvoirs du 
peuple. Et, de la prefecture on atteindra la province. 
Ainsi autonomic administrative deviendra reellement 

66 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

autonomie popiilaire, toiite differente (le celle qui en avait 
pris le nom et qui n'etait qu'iine exploitation du peuple. 
Apres la realisation de Tautonomie locale I'organisation 
nationale s'en suivra elle-meme et sera perfectionnee. Le 
peuple ponrrra alors participer a 1 'administration locale selon 
la tntelle politique du pays. Les articles venant apres le 19^ 
indiquent dans quelles conditions et comment on devra 
passer de la periode de la tutelle politique a la periode de 
la constitution. 

Pour conclure, disons que les principes fondamentaux 
de la reconstruction nationale consistent a supprimer les 
obstacles et a finir la reconstruction selon un programme 
nettement defini sans au,cune modification. 

Quand la Revolution est une destruction extraordinaire 
elle doit etre suivie par une reconstruction extraordinaire. 
Apres 12 ans de souffrance et d 'experiences, le peuple 
pourra comprendre ce qu'est son droit et son bonheur. Hi 
Ton pouvait agir selon les principes fondamentaux de la 
reconstruction nationale, la periode des operations militaires 
pourrait facilement supprimer tou,tes les forces opposees et 
la periode de la tutelle politique pourrait realiser et souteair 
le bonheur du peuple, bien qu'il ne soit pas encore en 
periode d 'administration constitutive. Mais le droit et le 
bonheur que le peuple pourrait ainsi obtenir vaudraient 
beaucoup plus qu'une administration constitutive de nom 
qui agirait, en arbitraire. ])e la periode de la tutelle 
politique a la periode constitutive les chemins a suivre sont 
tout a fait droits; il n'y aura aucune crainte d'echec. 

Pour la Republique chinoise et pour le peuple chinois 
rien n'est plus beau que rapplication des principes 
fondamentaux de la reconstruction nationale. Notre 
Gouvernement proclame solennellement qu'a partir 
d'aujourd'hui la ou la force revolutionnaire est parvenue 
et qui obeit a I'ordre gouvernemental doit considerer 
rapplication des principes fondamentaux de la reconstruction 
'nationale comme I'unique devoir. 

Les articles ci-dessou,s constituent le programme de la 
reconstruction nationale. 



1. Le programme du Gouvernement National pour la 
reconstruction de la Chine est basee sur les "Trois Princii)es 
du Peiiple" et "La Constitution" des cinq pouvoirs de la 

2. La subsistance du peuple est le probleme le plus 
important de tous ceux qu,i regardent la reconstruction. En 
prenant en consideration les questions de nourriture, 
d'habillement, de logement, et les moyens de 
communications et qui sont les quatre grandes necessites 
du peuple, le gouvernement doit done cooperer avec ce 
dernier pour developper 1 'agriculture et I'industrie textile 
afin que le peui)le pu,isse se nourrir et s'habiler suffisament, 
l)our batir en grande echelle les habitations de toutes sortes 
afin qu'il ait le plaisir de se loger; et pour construire et 
reparer les routes et les grands canaux afin qu'il ait la 
facilite de circuler. 

3. Le second probleme est le probleme de la 
democratic. Le gouvernement doit instruire, guider le 
|)euple et lui faire comprendre ce qui c'est que la politique 
de fac^on qu'il puiese exercer son droit de vote, son droit de 
revocation des fonctionnaires , son droit d 'initiative et son 
droit de referendum. 

4. Le troisieme probleme de la reconstruction est le 
probleme du Nationalisme. A I'interieur, le gouvernement 
doit done proteger et aider les petites minorites a prendre 
conscience d'elles-memes et a se gouverner ; a I'exterieur, le 
gouvernement se doit le devoir de se defendre contre les 
agressions imperialistes. En meme temps, i1 doit reviser 
tous les traites dcja conclus avec les divers etats etrangers 
dans le bu.t d'arriver' a de justes ti'aites el d'obtenir 
rindependence de notre pays selon I'equiHbre international. 

68 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

5. La reconstruction comprend trois etapes : 

(a) La Periode des Operations Militaires ; 

(b) La Periode de la Tu^telle Politique ; 

(c) La Periode Constitutionnelle, 

6. Pendant la periode des operations militaires, toutes 
les organisations sont entre les mains de 1 'administration 
militaire. Le gouvernement supprime wfl;m mz/Z/anVz d'un 
cote tons les obstacles a I'interieur et de 1 'autre cote le 
gouvernement enonce les principes pour 1 'instruction 
popujaire et 1' unification du pays. 

7. Le jour de la stabilite complete d'une province, 
c'est aussi le jour de commencement .de la periode de la 
tutelle politique et celui de la fin de la periode des operations 

8. . Pendant la periode de la tutelle politique, le 
gouvernement doit envoyer des personnes ayant regu de 
I'instruction et passe des examens avec succes dans toutes 
les prefectures pour aider le peu,ple a preparer son autonomic. 
Le jour ou dans la prefecture I'enquete sur le chiffre de la 
lx)pulation terminee, I'arpentage de terrains fini, la police 
Men organisee, les routes toutes construit^s, le peuple ayant 
rempli ses devoirs de citoyen et qui a jure d'appliquer les 
principes revolutionnaires, pent elire le prefet pour 
administrer la prefecture et les deputes pour legiferer, et 
cette prefecture deviendra alors completement autonome. 

9. Le citoyen de la prefecture completement 
autonome, a droit d 'elire et de revoquer directement les 
fonctionnaires, ainsi que le droit de legiferer et le droit de 
referendum . 

10. Chaque ])refecture, au commencement de son ere 
au,tonome, doit reglementer au prealable la valeur de la 
propriete fonci^re privee de toute la prefecture. 
Le moyen consiste a ce que le proprietaire fasse 
Ini-meme une declaration aux autorites locales. Le 
gouvernement local taxe aloi's la propriete d'apres cette 
declaiation et peut a tout moment faire son acquisition 
suivant la valeur declaree. Si apres la declaration, l;i 
valeur de la propriete augmente soit a cause de 

La Reconsthuction Nationale 69 

raiueJiomtion de la politique, eoit a cause de progres de 
la societe, le surplus reviendra alors a la coinmunaute de 
la population de toute la prefecture et non au proprietaire. 

11. Le revenu annuel des terres, I'augmentation de 
la valeur des proprietes, la production des terrains publics, 
les produits des montagries, des forets, des lacs, des mines, 
et des forces hydrauliques appartiennent au gouvernement 
local qui en prolite pour entreprendre des travaiix publics 
locaux ; elever les enfants pauvres, entretenir les vieillards, 
aider les pauvres, secourir les calamites, guerir les malades 
et pourvoir a tons les autres besoins publics. 

12. Si les budgets locaux ne sont pas suffisants pour 
developper les richesses naturelles et entreprendre des 
travaux indu,striels et commerciaux de grande envergute, 
le gouvernement central vieridra alors en aide. Les 
revenns seront partages en parties egales entre le 
gouvernement central et le gouvernement local. 

13. Cliaque prefecture doit participer a la charge 
financiere du gouvernement central et lui envoyer la 
tantieme annuel pour ses depenses. Le montant ne 
pou,vant etre inferieur au 10 per cent, et superieur a la moitie 
du revenu annuel de la prefecture, sera fixe par les 

.representants du peuple. 

14. Chaque prefecture ou le gouvernement local 
autonome une fois a ete etabli, a le droit d'elire un repre- 
sentant du peuple pour organiser I'assemblee des repre- 
sentants du peuple afin de participer a la politique du 
governement central. 

15. Tons les fonctionnaires et les candidats, soit du 
gouvernement central, soit du gouvernement local, doivent 
subir des examens et doivent etre controles par le gouverne- 
ment central. 

16. La periode de la constitution connnence le jour 
ou tou,tes les })refectures de la province sont devennues 
autonomes. L'assemblee des representants du peuple 
pent alors elire un gouverneur civil ix>ur diriger Tautonomie 
de la province. Quant aux affaires dependant de 

70 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements 

1 'administration nationale, le gouverneur de la province 
doit obeir a I'ordre du gouvernement central. 

17. Pendant cette periode, en ce qui concerne la 
liniite entre le pou,voir central et le pouvoir local, il faut 
adopter le systeme de I'equilibre des pouvoirs. Toutes les 
affaires ayant le caractere national appartiennent an 
gouvernement central, celles ayant le caractere local 
appartiennent au gouvernement local. Ainsi, il n'y aura 
ni exces de centralisation ni exces de decentralisation. 

18. L 'unite de Tadministration autonome est la 
prefecture. La province se place entre celle-ci et le 
gouvernement central pour servir de liaison. 

19. Au debut de la periode de la constitution, le 
gouvernement central doit achever d'etablir les cinq Yuans 
pour tacher d'exercer les cinq pouvoirs, a savoir : le Yuan 
legislatif, le Yuan administratif, le Y^uan d'examen, le 
Yuan judiciaire et le Y^uan de controle. 

20. Le Yuan administratif etablit provisoirement 
les ministeres suivants : 1^ le ministere de I'interieur, 2^ 
le ministere des affaires militaires, 3° le ministere des aff'aires 
etrangeres, 4P le ministere de ragriculture et des mines. 
6*^ le ministere du travail et du commerce, 7*-^ le ministere 
de 1 'instruction publique, 8*^ le ministere de la- 

21. Avant la promulgation de la Constitution, les 
Presidents de Y^uans sont nommes et revoques par le 
President de la Republique sous les ordres duquel ils sont. 

22. Le i>rojet de la Constitution doit etre base sur le^ 
principes fondamentaux de la reconstrnction et les 
resultats acquis pendant la periode de la tutelle politique 
et celle de la Constitution et redige par le Yuan legislatif 
qui a tout moment la porte a la connaissance du peuple 
de fa9on qu'on puisse I'adopter et I'appliquer a temps 

23. Ijc jour oil plii,s de la moitie des provinces du 
pays commencent la periode de la Constitution, ce qui 
veut dire que chacune des provinces en question, est 

La Eeconstruction Nationale 71 

(levenniie aiitonome, alors on convoqiiera I'assemhlee 
ties repieBentants dii penp)<? pour deciiler la promii,lgation 
de la Constitution. 

24. Apres la promulgation de la Constitution, la rene 
du gouvernement central appartient a I'assemblee des 
representants du peuple. Celle-ci a le droit d'elire et de 
I'evoquer les fonctionnaires du gouvernement central, de 
legiferer et de referendum. 

25. Le jour de la promulgation de la Constitution 
est au,ssi le jour du parachevement de la periode de la 
Constitution. Selon la Constitution, tons les citoyens du 
pays participent a la grand'e election. Le gouvernement 
national se demettra de ses fonctions trois mois apres 
I'elec'tion et passera la rene du gouvernement au gouverne- 
ment elu par le peuple. L'oeuvre de la Reconstruction 
doit etre ainsi accomplie. 

(Sign^) SUN WEN. 

12-ieme jour de 4-ieme mois de IS-ieme annee de 
la Republique.